Think local, teach global: National identity and media education

Media have typically been institutional products of nations and, as such, play a fundamental role in their maintenance (Anderson, 1983: 24-25). Anderson argues that the appearance of the printed novel and newspaper was the technical potential to represent the nation as an ‘imagined community’. Furthermore, in most countries national broadcasting in its early forms (especially before its commercialisation, when it could not afford the stratification of its audience), has made possible the transformations of individual dramas, performances, activities, memories, into fictions of collective national life for millions of individuals who may never interact with one another.

Today, national media are participating in the two processes of national identity building. First, as tellers of national myths, (especially in times of crisis, rapid social change or external threat), as ‘engravers’ of national symbols upon the nation’s memory, and presenters of national rituals (elections, celebrations, etc.) the media work in the direction of emphasising the similarities among the group members. For media producers, the prominence of national identity in the media content is encouraged by the knowledge that they are constructing news for a national audience with which they share national membership (Entman, 1991; Rivenburgh 1997 and 1999).

Second, as a primary domain of the public sphere, the media produce and reinforce the relational oppositions of ‘us’ and the ‘others’. One of the areas of media content in which such nationalist discourse today is very high, is news and especially the coverage of foreign affairs. Comparative international news research shows the significant role of media in perpetuating a world view that consistently favours the home nation perspective on world affairs (Rivenburgh, 1995; Sreberny-Mohammadi, 1985). Discrepant perceptions of world affairs largely emanate from different cultural and political values held by groups with different national identities enhanced by national media coverage (Rivenburgh and Kaschuba, 1999, p. 1).

Many identify the destructive role journalism plays in various ethnic conflicts. Scholars, like Goldhagen, point out the role that Nazi media had in shaping the ‘other’ into an evil figure that needs to be exterminated (Goldhagen, 1996: 9). Expanding on the connection between mass violence and extermination, Hamelink argues that it is the journalists that ‘suggest to their audiences that “the others” pose fundamental threats to security and well-being of the society and that the only effective means of escaping this threat is the elimination of this great danger.’ He supports the idea that such beliefs are not part of human nature, but constructed and disseminated through social institutions, including the media (Hamelink, 1997: 32).

Nationalist views and provocative reporting dominate the mainstream media and their extremes have provoked some of the world’s worst massacres of the last decade of our century. RTLM (the Hutu radio/tv station in Rwanda) played an inciting and aggravating role in the massacre of the Tutsis by repeatedly broadcasting messages in which the Tutsis were slandered and ridiculed and depicted as despicable. On another continent, media in former Yugoslavia have played a significant role in creating an environment of ethnic hate and xenophobia that contributed towards the pre-conditions for savage ethnic wars. Current research undertaken reveals how western media contribute to the construction of the ‘enemy’ reproducing and reinforcing national stereotypes. At the same time the news glorified the war while systematically avoiding cross-examination of sources and critical judgement.

The reasons for nationalistic media content can be found in every step of the media production circle, or the ‘basic social determinants of journalism’ as defined by McNair (1998: 14):

∑ Professional culture (e.g. absence of journalism code of ethics, professional ideology that sees journalism as a necessary tool to defend the ‘national interests of out county and preserve out cultural autonomy, poor training of the media personnel and absence [or lack of enforcement] of media laws),
∑
∑ Organisational constraints (e.g. deadline pressures that a lot of times do not allow in-depth/balanced reporting),
∑
∑ Technical constraints and possibilities (e.g. lack of equipment, limited and/or biased newsgathering techniques),
∑
∑ Political pressures (e.g. censorship, traitor labelling, intimidation, lobbying, regulation, the interlocking interests of the media, the politicians and the business sector),
∑
∑ Economic pressures (e.g. destroyed market conditions, fierce unregulated commercialisation, market forces that promote sensational journalism),
∑
∑ Source tactics and strategies (e.g. intimidation of the journalist by the government sources, public relations/conflict spin doctors).
∑
These are the main hurdles for a positive role of the media towards a more tolerant and multiculturalistic media content.

The role of the journalist is consequently affected by the significance of media in shaping social attitudes in times of ethnic conflict. Johannes Botes suggests that the journalist has a lot in common with the practitioner of conflict resolution. He argues that both approach conflict with the same tools for analysis, yet they use them in different ways. He points out that the role of journalists can extend beyond merely reporting on events, to exposing possible solutions and common ground (Botes, 1996: 6).

Teach global

Media structures in a lot of countries usually reflect the minimal pluralism in the social and political structures of the country itself. Instead of contributing to the creation of an informed critical citizenry, the media turn into the mouthpieces of the political and economic power circles associated with national interests. How can this situation be reversed?

Journalism education around the world is increasingly adapting to the demands of industry, serving not necessarily the intellectual advancement of students but their professional training. The author of this article considers this a prohibiting ground for creative ideas, critical thinking, and democratic schooling. The industrialisation of education is becoming evident in many areas such as the abolishment of free education, restrictive mechanisms that allow access to education institutions to few, curricula designed in a ‘fashionable’ way and financial dependence. Students are increasingly asking how, instead of why, something that simply reflects the economic structure of our societies. A recent survey in 56 journalism schools in Europe reveals that students are more interested in practice and long and well-paid internships in the media.

The practical orientation of the majority of schools is also demonstrated in the recruitment of teachers. The number of schools with strong predominance of practically trained teachers is over four times the number of schools with strong predominance of theoretically trained teachers (Loonroth, 1997: 15). But according to the same survey it is the teachers themselves who are dissatisfied with the fact that journalism students lack in general knowledge and perspective, while they admit, ‘brilliant journalists aren’t necessarily good educators’.

On the other hand, there is a growing demand for journalists with specialised knowledge in specific areas. This is combined with the fact that the European journalism student is quite young. Students may start journalism studies as early as age 16 and graduate at the age of 20. The question is if young graduates will be experienced enough with an adequate general knowledge background to perform investigative journalism (Loonroth, 1997: 26).

At the same time, globalisation of the economy and the new communication technologies generate an increase in international issues. Finance, human rights, as well as environment are just some of the themes that cannot be adequately dealt with anymore within national borders. However journalism that needs to cover those issues and media education that needs to train the former in a adequate way for doing exactly that still remain very national. The curricula are strongly focused on national issues and teaching of international news still remains ‘foreign’ in character while failing to challenge national stereotypes.

The 1997 Survey of European Journalism Schools revealed that foreign languages are taught as a subject only in half of the schools. And although institutions are part of international co-operation in a number of fields, and most frequently in student exchange, the number of students involved is not high enough. There are indications that interest in exchange programmes is diminishing among students, something that might be linked with difficulties in receiving adequate funding for European exchange programmes (Loonroth, 1997: 16).

Given such structural, institutional and political tendencies for commercialism and nationalism, what can future journalism and media education provide? It is a fact that large-scale changes cannot happen if education is limited to academic institutions and schools, designed for future vocational recruitment. Changes on grounds of technical as well as theoretical skills remain ineffective as long as the wider public does not participate in the process of mass communication actively. An education that provides sufficient technical and professional competence, but resists media market and consumer pressure and does not narrow resources to the production of ‘information officers’, ‘lobbyists’ or ‘market consultants’. As the director of the Journalism School in Cologne argues, ‘Journalists have to understand society; they need to have knowledge about historical, political and economic structures’ (Hilgert, 1997: 27).

Critical thinking and contextualisation

In the era of nationalism and ethnic wars, greater understanding of all conflicting sides is necessary. However, understanding presupposes critical thinking and knowledge and ability to put what appears to be occasional or ephemeral problem within its historical context. One way this can be achieved is through more and better communication between journalism students from different countries; experiencing other nations’ point of view, reading more about others and generating public discussion are ways of bringing different perceptions under a common, central focus. Sharing educational practices can be a way of finding out more political, economical and social realities. ‘First hand’ experience can contribute towards the elimination of xenophobia as long as that experience is accompanied by in-depth analysis and willingness continuously to challenge hard-and-fast ideas. A different kind of information in language and story format about the peoples outside national boundaries is required especially for a future journalist who by definition will hold a position as a shaper of public opinion. Exchange programmes among journalism departments from different parts of the world would facilitate this.

Furthermore, curricula need to be re-designed in order to face the challenges of global issues and the internationalisation of the media. Teaching more than one foreign language (and not just the dominant ones), international reporting and world history written by native and foreign authors can become sources that provide future journalists with a humanist education and help to resist the construction of nationalist stereotypes. Deeper understanding of the role of international NGOs that may be assisted by visits to international organisations who operate outside the students’ country of origin should be strongly encouraged. Further interaction with international journalists such as foreign correspondents based in the schools’ country can also be a source of valuable information if incorporated in the structure of the curricula.

Journalists face institutional constraints that make investigative, critical journalism a very difficult task. Although it may be plausible to argue that such constraints are used as ‘excuses’ for lack of professional integrity when confronting indifference and submission to the system, it is also true that dedication to emancipating principles often has a high price to pay. History, the role of politicians, media owners and the chief editorial elite, lack of protection from unions and a modern news format that does not provide enough ‘space’ to explain complex issues without the use of stereotypes and catchwords are some of the factors that journalists identify as prohibitive to emancipating journalism (Ozgunes and Terzis, 1999: 71).

The need for changing journalists’ professional culture and the development of a new morale that would confront problems such as the story format, production values and the availability of time and space are fundamental issues that journalism schools should address very early on. The high interest of the audience in issues of conflict reported in reality allows journalists to obtain both the time and space and the resources to work outside ‘normal’ media practices. Journalism education should provide much better training then for the future journalist to do so using formats such as panel discussions, op-ed pages in newspapers, radio talk shows, television debates, documentaries and in-depth reporting. Journalism education needs to incorporate the suggestion of Joann Byrd, the ombudsman for The Washington Post. When covering conflict stories, Byrd recommends that journalists add an ‘S’ for Solutions and a ‘C’ for Common Ground to the traditional ‘five W’s’ formula (Who, What, When, Where, Why) (Botes, 1996:9). Teaching solution oriented journalism instead of war reporting is then one of the required changes.

As suggested by many scholars, research and teaching of the relationship between the media and the State and its impact on foreign policy needs to be reconsidered (Malek, 1997: 20). Signitzer and Coombs argue that the field of diplomacy has shifted from traditional diplomacy toward public (media) diplomacy, and the actors in public diplomacy can no longer be confined to the profession of diplomats but include various individuals, groups and institutions who engage in international and intercultural communication activities that have a bearing on the political relationship between two or more countries (Signitzer and Coombs, 1992: 139). Thus, the dynamics between media (public) diplomacy and foreign policy must become a significant part of any future analysis in the classroom in order for future media practitioners to understand the true dimension of their role and responsibility in carrying out their work.

Journalism and media education should encourage critical thinking and promote creation of alternative societal models that are based on equality on grounds of sex, race, social class and ethnicity. It should propagate and participate in the realisation of universal values that would be communicated to people and give them tools to make decisions in their lives based on these values.

If one were to attempt to design a strategy for ‘teaching global’ in order to promote greater understanding among different ethnic groups within the national and across the boarders then the following toolkit could provide some guidance:

∑ Reading more about ‘the other’s’ positions and discussing them in public; finding out and eventually reporting more about the other’s political, economic and social realities, i.e. teach students how to gain access to non-national sources.
∑
∑ Having more correspondents in the other countries would be a first step to facilitate this, i.e. teach more languages.
∑
∑ More contact with journalists from the other sides, i.e. organise more workshops and exchanges.
∑
∑ Exchange of articles between the student newspapers of neighbouring countries, and other joint media projects between journalism departments.
∑
∑ Internet has a wide range of web sites providing information about the ‘other’ and access to non-official sources, as well as facilities to communicate through email.
∑
∑ The establishment of a journalism student’s network for the exchange of information through the Internet.
∑
Formats

∑ The great interest of the audience in these issues concerning neighbouring countries allows journalists to obtain the time and space and the resources to work outside ‘normal’ media practices. They can do so ‘by using formats such as panel discussions with both sides at the table, op-ed pages in newspapers, radio talk shows, television debates, documentaries, or in-depth reporting.’ (On rare occasions a few journalists use these practices with considerable success.)
∑
∑ Journalists should not only stop identifying themselves with government policies, but should present their subjects as individuals, or governments or specific interest groups and not as a whole nation.
∑
Content of media texts

∑ Teach them how to create a campaign of information about the opportunities lost in conflicts (what else could be achieved if countries decided to invest the money for military resources elsewhere, for example).
∑
∑ Journalists should search for ways in which collaboration of their country with neighbouring countries can benefit all, instead of constantly being overly critical or indifferent to any rapprochement efforts.
∑
∑ Coverage of issues that go beyond national boundaries and can only be resolved through bilateral co-operation. These include environmental problems and organised crime as well as issues of co-operation in areas that will benefit both countries, such as tourism, energy or other business sectors.
∑
∑ Marro (1985) wrote that when your government decides something, always check the facts, ask the opinion of the other side and talk to the people affected by the decision.
∑
∑ Luostarinen (1999: 3-4) believes that use of sources outside official ones, such as experts (academics, NGOs and representatives of the peace movement) not only in time of war and crisis but as an active source of all major international events having a conflict potential, is a sign of good journalism. ‘This would guarantee that there are choices for the military vocabulary and world view; alternatives in concepts, frameworks, explanations, perspectives, interpretations etc. which can be compared by the journalists and the audience with the military way of speaking.’
∑
In conclusion, media education should provide receivers with the tools for the creation of media content which promotes other identities than the ethnic one. Media content that reveals different aspects of the societies in conflict, such as individual aspiration and achievements, common environmental problems, business prospects, or disaster relief, can contribute significantly to the creation and strengthening of alternative identities. As Sofos (1997: 269) argues, the peaceful coexistence of groups in conflict requires a radical transformation of the public spheres that would enable alternative social identities and solidarities to be negotiated and forged, which in turn would contribute to the flourishing of non-ethnic notions of citizenship. For this to materialise, the positive role of the media and media education proves to be vital.

Parts of this article appeared in the Journalism Studies Journal (August 2000) and other parts were presented at the IAMCR conference in Singapore, 2000.

References

Anderson, B. (1983). Imagined Communities, London: Verso Editions and New Left Books.

Botes J. (1996). ‘Journalism and Conflict Resolution’, Media Development, 4/1996.

Entman, R. M. (1991). Framing USA Coverage of International News: Contrasts in Narratives of the KAL and Iran Air Incidents, Journal of Communication 41 (4), pp. 6-27.

Goldhagen, D., 1996. Hitler’s Willing Executioners, New York: Longman.

Hamelink, C., (1997). Media, Ethnic Conflict and Culpability, in Media in Transition, Servaes, J. and Lie, R. (eds.), Leuven/Amersfoort: Acco.

Hilgert I., (1997). A general or specialist training, in European Journalism Training in Transition: the inside view, Maastricht: European Journalism Centre.

Loonroth A., (1997) Journalism training in Europe 1997, Maastricht: European Journalism Training Association.

Luostarinen, H. (1999). Journalism and Cultural Preconditions of War. Paper presented at the IAMCR conference, Singapore.

Malek, A. and Wiegand, K. (1997). News Media and Foreign Relations. Norwood, New Jersey: Ablex.

Marro, A. (1985, March/April). When the Government Tells Lies. Columbia Journalism Review, pp. 29-41.

McNair Brian (1998). The Sociology of Journalism, London: Arnold.

Ozgunes, N. and Terzis, G., (1999). Media and Conflict Resolution in Greek-Turkish Relations in The Peace Journalism Option: what are Journalists for?, Vol 2, Taplow Court, Taplow, Buckinghamshire.

Rivenburgh, N (1997). Social identification and media coverage of foreign relations, pp. 79-91 in A. Malek (ed.) News Media and Foreign Relations. Norwood, New Jersey: Ablex.

Rivenburgh, N (1999). ‘Social Identity Theory and news portrayals of citizens involved in international affairs’, IAMCR conference,1997, Oaxaca, Mexico.

Rivernburgh, N and Kaschuba (1999). ‘Social Identity Theory and Media Coverage of Bilateral International Relations: A comparison of USA and German national news’, paper presented at the IAMCR 2000 annual conference, Singapore.

Signitzer B. and Coombs T., (1992). Public relations and public diplomacy: Conceptual convergences, Public Relations Review, 18.

Sofos, S. A. (1997). Mass Communication and ‘Nationalisation’ of the Public Sphere in former Yugoslavia, Res Publica 39, 2, pp. 259-270.

Sreberny-Mohammadi, A., R. Stevenson and F. Ugboajah (eds.) (1985). Foreign News in the Media, Reports and Papers on Mass Communication No 93. Paris: Unesco.

Georgios Terzis (PhD) is a Greek journalist – Brussels correspondent – the media programmes director at the European Centre for Common Ground, and a lecturer at Vrije Universiteit Brussels, Vesalius College. He studied Journalism and Mass Communication in Greece, the UK, USA, Netherlands and Belgium.